Influence of U.S. Cryptologic Organizations on the Digital Computer Industry (Cryptologic Spectrum 1977–78, reprinted Cryptologic Quarterly)
UNCLASSIFIED
Influence of U.S. Cryptologic Organizations
on the Digital Computer Industry
SAMUELS. SNYDER
This article was originally published in two parts in the Fall 1977 and Winter 1978
issues o{Cryptologic Spectrum (Vol. 7, No. 4 and Vol. 8, No. 2).
INTRODUCTION
An unfortunate aspect of historical accounts of computer lore in open sources is the
omission - conspicuously to some of us - of mention of the U.S. cryptologic organizations,
or of the contributions by these organizations which helped in laying the foundation of the
computer industry. NSA, and other cryptologic organizations, have been required over
the years to observe a policy of anonymity, and with good reason. But in the age of
maturing appreciation of the role of computers in nearly all civilized endeavors, it is time
to acknowledge, for the first time, their outstanding contributions to the computer
industry.
The reader will notice the absence of remarks concerning software efforts by
cryptologic organizations. While this side of their operations received its proper share of
support, space restrictions preclude its inclusion in this article. Also, the Army and Navy
cryptologic services have frequently changed organizational titles throughout the years.
Therefore, to avoid confusion in this article, they are, previous to 1945, referred to as
"Army," "Navy," "service cryptologic organizations," and the like. Too, NSA's
predecessor organization, AFSA, was established in 1949, and NSA in 1952.
Consequently, references to "NSA" and "Agency" are, on occasion, used interchangeably,
the particular agency referred to depending upon the time period being discussed.
EARLY DEVELOPMENTS
The development of the U.S. computer industry might have been delayed for years ifit
had not been for the stimulus and financial support of the U.S. government. The details of
the Army Ordnance wartime requirement for assistance in calculation of ballistic tables,
and the creation of a team of engineers and mathematicians at the University of
Pennsylvania's Moore School of Electrical Engineering to design and build ENIAC, are
well known. 1•2 Also, the design and construction of UNIV AC for the Bureau of the
Census, and of RA YDAC by the Raytheon Corporation for the Na val Research Labs, are
important pioneering stages in early computer history. In these cases, and in others as
well, the Bureau of Standards exerted important influence as supervisor of the contracts
and in furnishing technical guidance.
1. Herman H. Goldstine and A. Goldstine, "The Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer <ENIACJ,"
Mathematical Tables and Other Aids w Computation, Vol. 2 (July 1946), pp. 97-110.
2. J. G. Brainerd and T. Kite Sharpless, "The ENIAC," Electrical Engineering (February 1948 ), pp. 163-72.
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By the time ENlAC was completed, in February 1946, John W. Mauchly and J.
Presper Eckert, its designers, had fairly clear ideas about the kinds of features a modern
general-purpose computer should have. For example, in addition to high-speed storage
for both instructions and data, the computer of the future would require some kind of
"discriminate" instructions which would make possible the modification of the course of
problem solution. The experience in building and operating ENIAC certainly helped,
particularly in emphasizing certain features a computer should not have. The total
storage capacity of ENIAC was only 20 numbers, and the method of setting up problems to
be solved consisted of "plugging up," in proper sequence, large cables interconnecting the
registers containing numbers to be operated upon. Also, while E:KIAC's circuits were
quite fast enough, it contained 18,000 electron tubes, a prohibitively large number.
In addition to the people at Moore School, several other research centers and
universities had begun making plans for the design of large-scale computers. The
completion of construction of ENIAC provided the impetus for a conference, or series of
lectures, in which outstanding researchers could report on their work. The Moore School
was a natural setting, and the Office of Naval Research, U.S . .:--lavy, and the Ordnance
Department, U.S. Army, provided joint sponsorship. The lectures were conducted from 8
July to 31 August 1946, and the participants included representatives of 20 organizations
from government and industry.
The Moore School lectures were noteworthy in several ways. Logic design for both
single-address and multi-address instruction systems were described. Engineering
principles were presented for dealing with arithmetic operations, as well as several
systems for constructing practical computer memories. Numerical methods for attacking
mathematical problems were proposed, suitable for use in digital computers. Among the
lecturers' names, that of Dr. John von Neumann is worth noting, since he contributed, as
a Moore School consultant, a 1945 report 3 in which many of the logic design suggestions
were presented for the first time. Also, in June 1946, the first two important Institute for
Advanced Study (I.A.S.) reports appeared. 4•5 These reports contained detailed discussions
of von Neumann's ideas for computer organization and construction and basic principles,
with examples, showing how to program and code problems. The proposed computer logic,
which came to be known as "the von Neumann machine," has proved to be the basic
system followed in most computers until recent times. Thus, the Moore School lectures
and the I.A.S. reports can be said to have laid the foundation for the modern computer
industry.
•
3. John von Neumann, ~First Draft of a Report on the EDVAC," Report on Contract No. W-670-0RD-492,
Moore School of Electrical Engineering, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia l30 June 1945).
4. Arthur H. Burks, Herman H. Goldstine, and John von Neumann, Report on the Mathematical and Logical
Aspects of an Electronic Computing Instrument, 2d ed., Part I: Preliminary Discussion of the Logical Design of
an Electronic Computing Instrument (Princeton, N .J .: Institute for Advanced Study, 194 7 ).
5. Herman H. Goldstine and John von Neumann, Report on the Mathematical and Logical Aspects of an
Electronic Computing Instrument, Part II: Planning and Coding Problems for an Electronic Computing
Instrument(lnstitute for Advanced Study, Princeton, N.J.) (Vol. 1, l April 1947; Vol. 2, 15 April 1948; Vol. 3,
16 August 1948).
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INFLUENCE OF U.S. CRYPTOLOGIC ORGANIZATIONS
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PRE-COMPUTER ERA
From about 1935, the military cryptologic organizations began to make good use of
machines in support of their missions. An integral and continuing feature was their
punched-card installations. Before the advent of modern digital computers, punched-card
machines constituted the backbone of machine support; in fact, in general-purpose
applicability, the punched-card installation was the natural predecessor of the modern
computer.
In addition, both military cryptologic organizations, during World War II, built or had
built under contract several special-purpose machines. The Navy, particularly, enlisted
the support of several contractors to design and build special-purpose equipment; in some
cases these were specialized as to problem and thus were of no use on any other job. In
several other instances, the specialization constituted a specific function, such as
comparing or counting; these machines had limited applicability, but they were not
confined to a single problem. (It is worth pointing out that machines built in this "precomputer" era utilized high-speed digital circuits similar to, and definitely antedating,
techniques later used in electronic digital computer technology.) The Navy used Eastman
Kodak, National Cash Register, and several other firms to plan and build these machines.
M.l.T.'s Vannevar Bush provided some of the ideas for these early equipments. The Army
utilized the services of Bell Telephone Laboratories during the war to design and
construct a large complex of relay equipment which was dedicated to one particular
problem; other contractors also helped in building other machines.
Punched-card equipment installations of both cryptologic services grew
phenomenally during the war, but of particular interest was a series of special-purpose
attachments built for the most part by IBM for operation with the IBM Tabulators. These
in effect multiplied manyfold the power of the standard punched-card complex.
In most of the foregoing machine-design jobs done by outside contractors, it was
necessary to bring contractor personnel into a classified problem area; that is, security
clearances for selected personnel were required. This requirement, the necessity to
observe physical security regulations, and the feeling on the part of contractors that such
limited-application efforts for the government would not be profitable, resulted in refusals
by several firms to accept such machine-design contracts after the war. Thus, at the end
of the war, a group of naval officers who were acquainted with this situation and were
technically able to provide continuing guidance for such machine support, formed
Engineering Research Associates, Inc. (E.R.A.). The Navy's Bureau of Ships provided a
blanket contract and arrangements for clearance and security. 6 E.R.A. thus began in
1946 what became a most successful arrangement for designing equipment for use by the
Navy's Communications Supplementary Activity, Washington (CSAW). The company's
operations were regulated by a BuShips contract under which a number of "tasks" could
be assigned with minimum notice as long as funds were available. One significant aspect
of the Navy's procedure for supervising work under this contract was the BuShip's system
for inspection and quality control. Undoubtedly it was largely because of strict adherence
to this policy that E.R.A. was able to maintain an excellent record of delivering
equipment that "worked." Most of the machines built under this arrangement were quite
6. Kirk Draheim, Richard P. Howell, and Albert Shapero, "The Development of a Potential Defense R & D
Complex; A Study of Minneapolis-St. Paul," Stanford Research Institute Project No. IMU-4370; Prepared for
OSD, Asst. Director, Engineering Management, DIDRE (July 1966).
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specialized in function. Their engineering technology was similar to that being developed
for electronic general-purpose digital computers.
J. M. Coombs, 7 in a report at the 1947 National Electronics Conference, described
work on one of the tasks assigned to E.R.A. in August 1946 to investigate magnetic
recording on drums and disks. One of the first models constructed to test magnetic drum
recording used an aluminum drum, its magnetized surface consisting of paper magnetic
tapes glued to the drum's surface. Information was recorded statically, advancing the
drum about eight steps per second, by use of a ratchet which moved on signals from the
paper-tape reader. Thus, holes in the tape were recorded as magnetic marks on the drum.
After recording, the drum was rotated and signals could be read, erased, and rewritten on
the same track.
Two new tasks were subsequently levied on E.R.A., calling for construction of
practical special-purpose machines using magnetic drums to store data for analysis. Task
9, GOLDBERG, was assigned in 1947; it was to be a comparator-like system with
statistical capabilities. Early in 1948 work on Task 21, DEMON, was authorized.
DEMON was to use data stored on the drum to perform a specialized version of table lookup. Both used large 34-inch-diameter drums. Although GOLDBERG was assigned
earlier, the DEMON project was completed first, and the first of five DEMON equipments
was delivered in October 1948. The magnetic drum memory on DEMON was, as far as we
know, the first drum memory in practical operational use in the United States. When the
first DEMON was delivered, operation of electronic equipment containing large numbers
of electron tubes was still in infancy. In spite of routine provisions for cooling, it was
found that many tubes burned out when power was turned on. A procedure for identifying
"marginal" components was tried and found to be successful; each day, voltages were
systematically lowered on separate racks of equipment. Marginal checking on DEMON is
believed to be the first regular use of this technique in routine equipment maintenance.
E.R.A. built several other machines for NSA predecessor organizations and for other
sponsors who used magnetic drums for storage. Later, improved models utilized sprayed
magnetic coating instead of tapes; they were also more compact. The last built for
cryptologic use were those delivered with the ATLAS computers described below.
Another example worthy of note is the ABEL computer. ABEL, a slow-speed relay
analog of ATLAS I, was built by CSA W engineers in about four months in 1949. Its drum
memory, built by E.R.A., was identical to those used on one of the special-purpose
machines. ABEL was used primarily for training ATLAS programmers, but it also
computed many tables of reference material. After being in successful operation for
almost two years, ABEL was donated to the Office of Naval Research (ONR) for use in
support of the Logistics Research Project being conducted at George Washington
University. The machine, renamed "ONR Relay Computer," is described in a 1952
report. 8
7. J.M. Coombs, "Storage of Numbers on Magnetic Tape," Proceedings of the National Electronic Conference,
Vol. 3 (1947l.
8. J. Jay Wolf, "The Office of Naval Research Relay Computer," Mathematical Tables and Other Aids to
Computation, Vol. 4 <19521, pp. 207-12.
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ATLAS I built in 1950
CRYPTOLOGIC-RELATED FIRST GENERATION COMPUTERS
One of those attending the lectures at Moore School was Lieutenant Commander
James T. Pendergrass, representing the Navy's CSAW. His supervisor, who had
participated in consultations with Dr. von Neumann and others regarding the new
computer designs being proposed, had selected Pendergrass to attend the lectures and
learn of the possible applicability of such computers to their problems. Pendergrass was
particularly impressed by the versatility promised by the proposed designs, since up to
that time most machines had been designed to attack a particular problem. But this
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special-purpose approach often had proved to be expensive and time-consuming. Also, in
some situations the problem disappeared by the time a special machine had been designed
and constructed. The prospect of having equipment capable of working on any of a whole
range of problems was exciting, and Lieutenant Commander Pendergrass's report
conveyed that possibility convincingly, by including, among other things, sample
programs. Within a few months, negotiations between CSA W and E.R.A resulted in the
establishment of Task 13, providing for the design and construction of the ATLAS
computer. Approximately one year later, in November 1948, E.R.A submitted a report to
the National Bureau of Standards (NBS) containing the description of a computer with a
design similar to that of ATLAS. 9 · 10
The logic design of ATLAS was patterned after that of the I.A.S. machine. M.l.T.'s
WHIRLWIND, another machine based on the von Neumann principles, was also under
construction about this time. The M.l.T. reports on WHIRLWIND were made available to
ATLAS planners, and thus provided valuable support during early stages of ATLAS
design. ATLAS differed in word size from the I.AS. and WHIRLWIND machines, but the
instructions for all three were of the one-address type, which turned out to be
characteristic of most early parallel machines.
The original proposal for the ATLAS computer called for internal high-speed memory
using the Selectron, a specially-designed electrostatic tube being developed at RCA's
Princeton Laboratories for the I.AS. computer. Unfortunately, at the time Task 13 was
assigned, the Selectron had not attained the degree of reliability required for computer
use, so the decision was made to substitute a magnetic drum type of memory. (The only
operational set of Selectron tubes was that used in RAND Corporation's JOHNNIAC, an
I.AS.-type computer finished in March 1954.) The drum memory for ATLAS was much
improved over the DEMON drums, and its access time - the time required to locate and
read a word from memory into the arithmetic unit, or vice versa - was considerably
shorter than that of the earlier drums. Also, the drum memory for ATLAS is believed to
be the first in which drum locations ("addresses") were permanently recorded
electronically. E.R.A., in December 1947, described its drum research in a report to the
ONR; 11 E.R.A. also published a book summarizing the status of electronic digital
computing technology as of 1950, one of the earliest publications of its kind. 12 ATLAS's
capacity was 16,384 words of 24 bits (binary digits). The feature of "interlace plugging,"
added after it was delivered, aided programmers in improving access time. ATLAS was
delivered in December 1950, and a second machine of identical design was delivered in
March 1953.
Several months before ATLAS was delivered, a proposal was made for the design of a
successor to be called ATLAS II. Its logic design was unique, in that it is believed to be the
first computer with two-address instructions. Its high-speed memory was built with
.
9. Engineering Research Associates, Inc., "Summary of Characteristics, Magnetic Drum Storage Computer."
Report prepared for the National Bureau of Standards, Department of Commerce, under Contract CST-10133
with Engineering Research Associates, Inc., St. Paul, Minn., Part I (30 November 1948).
10. Engineering Research Associates, Inc., "Examples of Coding, Magnetic Drum Binary Computer." Report
prepared for the National Bureau of Standards, Department of Commerce, under Contract CST-10133 with
Engineering Research Associates, Inc., St. Paul, Minn., Part II (30 November 1948 l.
11. Engineering Research Associates, Inc., "Selective Alteration of Digital Data in a Magnetic Drum
Computer Memory." Report prepared for ONR, under Contract N6onr-240 Task I with Engineering Research
Associates, Inc., St. Paul, Minn. Cl December 1947).
12. Engineering Research Associates, Inc. Staff <W.W. Stifler, Jr., Editor), High Speed Computing Devices
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1950).
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electrostatic tubes (so-called "Williams tubes"); there was also a medium-speed drum
memory similar to the one used in ATLAS I. ATLAS II was delivered in October 1953,
and a second model of ATLAS II, using magnetic cores for high-speed memory instead of
electrostatic tubes, was delivered in November 1954. (Incidentally, the second model of
ATLAS II is believed to be the first core memory computer delivered to a customer in the
United States.) All four machines (the two ATLAS I's and two ATLAS H's) gave excellent
service for six to eight years.
E.R.A. planned to market the ATLAS I commercially, with the designation "E.R.A.
1101," which was the binary equivalent of the ATLAS I task number (13). However, only
one such machine was built (for E.R.A.'s Arlington office), because the commercial
version of ATLAS II (UNIVAC Scientific 1103), already under way, was a more powerful
computer.
Not long after receiving a copy of Pendergrass's October 1946 report on the Moore
School lectures, ASA analysts began studies of all extant computer proposals. The
machines considered (which were only paper proposals as none had been built) were
Raytheon's RA YDAC, UNIV AC, and EDVAC, in addition to ATLAS. ASA analysts
wrote experimental programs, estimated operation times to execute typical problems, and
visited computer planners at each location. The conclusion of the ASA group was a
recommendation to procure a four-address computer like EDVAC. The NBS assisted ASA
analysts and engineers in their review, and when the decision was made for ASA to build
its own machine, NBS made arrangements for subcontracts for mercury delay memory
and for magnetic tape drives, from Technitrol Corporation and Raytheon respectively.
Design and construction of such a machine (named ABNER) was just getting under
way when ASA analysts began planning for a future, improved computer. It was
apparent that the elementary computer instructions being programmed to execute typical
cryptologic jobs were resulting in excessive operation times, and such jobs were clumsy to
implement. To lessen the programmer's burden, a series of special-purpose instructions
was worked out, with the help of ASA engineers. By the time this additional set of
instructions was perfected, the first machine was already partly built, but it was found
that the new features could be incorporated into the first machine without excessive delay
or the need for additional hardware. It was therefore decided to add the new analytic
instructions to ABNER, and instead of a total instruction set of 15 orders, the new code of
orders totaled 31, using a five-bit operation symbol. This ABNER instruction set was
unique, undoubtedly the first which placed primary emphasis upon nonarithmetic
operations.
.
A second model of ABNER also gave Technitrol an opportunity to further its computer
expertise. The second machine, which was built entirely by Technitrol, was a logic copy of
the first ABNER. However, it was much improved in construction detail and included
additional high-speed memory. The two models of ABNER became operational in April
1952andJune 1955.
Not all of the early research and development efforts were successful, although
developmental projects for cryptologic organizations yielded useful equipment in a
surprisingly large proportion of cases. When one considers that most of the projects had
not been tested or perfected for quantity production, the record is indeed quite good. The
following story of NOMAD concerns one such development which, although it did not
result in an operational system, yielded techniques and innovations which proved
valuable in developing later systems.
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ABNER II (Serial 2 Console)
As early as January 1950, when the Agency's first two computer projects were under
construction, a proposal was made for a large-scale super-speed sorting machine. The
proposed machine was called NOMAD, and it was based on the idea that data being sorted
- that is, rearranged on magnetic tapes - would have no fixed address. E.R.A., under Task
3 of the BuShips contract, had made feasibility studies which produced tentative design
specifications of such a computer. In 1951 the decision was made to expedite the project
by soliciting competitive bids to respond to a "Purchase Description." In September 1951
the Raytheon Corporation was awarded a letter contract, and in May 1952 a definitive
contract was signed for design and construction of the NOMAD system.
One of the most critical components of NOMAD was the rather massive magnetic tape
system, which was called Primary Internal Tape Storage (PITS). The tapes were three
inches wide and contained 36 information channels; the tape transports were planned to
move at 120 inches per second. In order to achieve maximum information storage on a
reel and still have an interrecord gap between blocks for starting and stopping tape reels,
information was packed solid, one block after another. It was designed, however, so that
alternate blocks would be read or written in one direction with a space between successive
blocks, which would then be used as information when reading or writing in the other
direction.
In operation, the tape drive sounded like a machine gun. Because the tape started and
stopped at every block 100 times a second, the bending and snapping of tape delivered a
loud, cracking sound. More or less soundproof housing was built, which muffled the noise
somewhat. In June 1954, personnel losses of the contractor, as well as delays and cost
overruns, led to the termination of this work. Only three engineering test models of this
tape drive were built.
About two months after work on NOMAD ended, Raytheon proposed the commercial
marketing of a computer to be called RA YCOM, which differed only slightly from the
basic design of NOMAD. Later, in 1954, a cooperative arrangement between Raytheon
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Corporation and Minneapolis-Honeywell led to the formation of the Datamatic
Corporation, resulting in the Datamatic 1000, the first in a series of Honeywell computer
models. Raytheon's involvement in the Computer Division of Honeywell was later
liquida~ed, and the H-series computers continue to flourish successfully.
Another result of the NOMAD experience came about when, shortly before
cancellation, several top Raytheon engineers who had worked on the project resigned to
form a new company. Named the Computer Control Corporation ("3-C"), it began
marketing a line of "building blocks" or circuit cards which were designed for flexible
recombination into various configurations. These "3-C" cards were partly based on
developments under the NOMAD contract and were moderately successful. Computers
built from "3-C" cards were among the earliest of the small computers to be marketed in
the country.
IMPACT ON GENERAL DATA HANDLING
Because requirements for computer support are often dominated by the need for
statistical and other analyses of great masses of data, U.S. cryptologic organizations quite
early became preoccupied with improvements in input-output, conversion, and recording
equipments. Also, the internal processing operations have often been logical or
transformational, rather than strictly computational. This preoccupation with
"information processing," as contrasted with computing, was responsible for several early
(pre-computer) developments. For example, in the 1930s punched-card specialists in the
cryptologic organizations developed procedures for indexing data for analysis, probably
before anyone in industry. Long before the advent of modern computers, many variations
of this procedure - later known to computer users and programmers as "Key Word in
Context" (KWIC) - were practiced by the service cryptologic organizations with punchedcard equipments.
One of the earliest commercial high-speed line printers came about at least partly
because of experimentation and initiatives by cryptologic engineers. Also, one of the first
practical character-sensing machines received early encouragement from the government
in the form of a development contract. And much later, after commercial computers were
becoming available, several developments by commercial firms became viable only after
the first models were tested by Agency engineers, with modifications and improvements
made as a result of such tests. Also, NSA, beginning in 1957, was instrumental in
bringing about tape standardization and in lowering the costs of magnetic tapes for
computer use, leading to the development of testing procedures and the establishment of
industry-wide standards.
SECOND GENERATION COMPUTERS: SOLID STATE MACHINES
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The original impetus for the system called BOGART came from the early realization
that data conversion, formatting, and the like often occupied a large proportion of the
programmer's attention. Often, special-purpose equipment had to be built to convert data
from one medium to another. And the likelihood of needing all the power of the largest
computers for sophisticated analyses suggested that it would pay to use a different
"editing" computer to prepare data for input to such jobs. The original idea for BOGART's
unit of manipulation was therefore the individual character (alphabetic or numeric), and
the word size of 7 bits was specified in a proposal of December 1953. The logic design
provided for three-word instructions, both core and drum memory, and input-output using
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both punched cards and punched paper tape. E.R.A., in July 1954, contracted to build two
models, using diode and magnetic core logic for arithmetic and control. Cycle time of the
core memory was 20 microseconds, and drum storage was eliminated.
In July 1955 the contract was modified to provide for construction of four instead of
two machines and to allow for connection of IBM Type 727 magnetic tape drives. These
tape drives had virtually become the standard for the industry. The logic design was also
changed - the word size became 24 bits, with the capability of selecting any of three 8-bit
portions of a word. Also, several index registers were provided. The four machines were
delivered between July 1957 and January 1958. The pilot model of BOGART was
subsequently modified, and in December 1959 it became the fifth BOGART to come to
NSA. It was subsequently used as the central computer for ROB ROY, a remote-operated
system with five outstations.
The BOGART computers were very reliable, and were used on a great variety of
problems. Their intended application - editing and formatting - received less emphasis
later, probably because of BOGART's capabilities for high-priority work and because
other, cheaper equipment became available for editing.
The influence of BOGART can probably be seen in both its engineering and logic
sides. First, BOGART was probably the first U.S. computer which used "design
automation" techniques. Also, many features of the logic design were unique and carried
over into the family of Navy Tactical Data System computers. Additionally, the UNIVAC
490 included features, such as its index registers and "repetition/' which were borrowed
from or were influenced by ROGART. Control Data Corporation's CDC 1604 and CDC
160 also reflected early BOGART design innovations.
BOGARTSil
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By January 1955, the use of transistors in place of electron tubes became increasingly
likely, and their apparent advantages over tubes - in size, lower heat dissipation, and
improved reliability- set the stage for the new, smaller mass-produced computers. NSA,
in anticipation of these changes, began training a small group of engineers in the use and
applications of the new components. They were the nucleus of what later became known
as the "transistor generation."
One project under way at this time concerned a proposal for a remote-operation
computer, with terminals located in work areas. Another proposal, intended to
accomplish the same objective, was to acquire a number of small computers, with the new
transistors as the principal circuit component. Each desk-size computer was to be located
in a different operational area. A project called SOLO was established to build the first
such machine, and the decision was made to duplicate the logic design of ATLAS II. In
June 1955, Philco Corporation was awarded the contract, because Philco at the time was
the only firm making reliable surface-barrier transistors (a short-lived technology which
was superseded by junction transistors). Subcontracts for construction of SOLO's core
memory and power supplies went to Remington-Rand-UNIVAC and Magnetic Controls
Corporation, respectively.
During construction, many difficulties were encountered and corrected, including
problems with subcontractor-furnished power supplies and memory. Also, after delivery
in March 1958, NSA engineers spent about a year debugging the equipment. Although
SOLO was logically a copy of ATLAS II, its memory lacked the supplemental drum of
ATAS II, and its input-output equipment was not very reliable. As a consequence, SOLO
was not used on large operational problems. Because of these difficulties and delays, the
original plan to build many copies of SOLO was abandoned, and the one desk model was
used for several years for testing other equipment and for training.
The original objectives for SOLO were twofold: (1) to prove that a reliable computer
could be constructed using direct-coupled transistor logic and (2) to train NSA engineers
in transistor technology. Both objectives were met; SOLO also holds the distinction of
being the first completely transistorized computer designed and built in the United
States, and undoubtedly the first in the world. Philco later built a commercial version,
marketed under the designation TRA~SAC S-1000. A larger and improved computer,
the TRANSAC S-2000, was later marketed more successfully. Its design was based on
the Navy CXPQ computer, and it was later called the Philco S-2000.
NSA's HARVEST was undoubtedly the most sophisticated computer of the so-called
second generation. It was one of the limited number of systems built by IBM as an
embodiment of a research program called "STRETCH." Beginning in 1954 the planners
at IBM had decided that, on the basis of experiences in the operations of their first
successful models - the IBM 701 and 704, 702 and 705 - a quantum leap ahead would be
possible. But this "leap forward" hinged on their achieving increases in circuit speed, in
lowering memory-access time, in improving the logic design, and in developing higher
speed and higher capacity tapes and disks. A project was subsequently launched by the
company's research laboratories to stretch the state of engineering art in these directions.
IBM experiments along these lines had progressed, by the spring of 1955, to the point
where it was considered desirable to test the new ideas by constructing a STRETCH
computer, and two government agencies, NSA and the Atomic Energy Commission
(AEC), were approached in this regard, mainly because both had requirements for largescale computer support.
The IBM STRETCH proposal came to NSA at a propitious time (May 1955). The
requirement for a large-volume data processor, and the effort to satisfy that requirement
under the ill-fated NOMAD project, had been followed by a proposal called FARMER.
This proposal, made in the spring of 1954, called for a modular system of general-purpose
77
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INFLUENCE OF U.S. CRYPTOLOGIC ORGANIZATIONS
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and special-purpose machines. By providing flexibility in choosing such modules, it was
the intention to maximize the advantages of both special-purpose and general-purpose
equipments while minimizing their respective disadvantages. Thus, input-output, data
editing, computation, and general storage requirements could be accommodated by a
powerful and versatile computer, while needs which justified additional power could be
met by special attachments, designed to operate with the main FARMER computer. Also,
a FARMER-NOMAD Special Study Group had been created; its members spent several
months interviewing specialists in various Agency problem areas. Their report
recommended that the FARMER approach be followed in future large-scale systems
planning. Thus, the reaction of Agency computer specialists to the logic ideas in IBM's
STRETCH was immediate: this system could become the first embodiment of the
FARMER concept.
Although IBM's offer to build a STRETCH computer for the Agency for $3.5 million
was considered to be a bargain, it was rejected for two reasons: (1) two important
components of the proposed system - fast (0.5 microsecond access) memory and advanced
magnetic tape external storage - were considered to be insufficiently developed, and (2)
over-all system logic was not sufficiently directed toward NSA's requirements to qualify
as the basis for FARMER. After some negotiations, however, an agreement was worked
out which provided for additional research by IBM in the areas of high-speed memory and
high-density tapes and tape transports, and for logic design studies.
The Atomic Energy Commission accepted the IBM proposal in 1955, after a delay of
several months, and a contract for a STRETCH computer was signed in 1956. AEC's
computer requirements differed from those of NSA in that they emphasized high-speed
multiplication, whereas NSA's placed emphasis on manipulation of large volumes of data
and on great flexibility and variety in nonnumerical logic processes. Thus, in
approximately the same time frame, IBM was engaged in planning two embodiments of
the STRETCH computer for two clients having widely differing requirements.
By May 1957 a design proposal for NSA's model of STRETCH was completed, and a
careful evaluation was soon under way by an ad hoc group charged with examining the
design proposal. The group made time estimates for executing candidate jobs, proposing
several design improvements. The group's studies resulted in favorable
recommendations, including estimates that the proposed system would be faster than
current equipment, in most cases by factors between 100 and 200. After more
negotiations, a final contract was signed on 30 April 1958.
Additional and massive programmer training and software development were
required to utilize HARVEST's powerful new features, and because of its logic complexity,
the system's great potential came into its own only gradually. HARVEST was used for 14
years with emphasis placed on jobs not conceivable for any other computer. It functioned
very well throughout.
As already noted, HARVEST was a unique embodiment of the STRETCH computer
development, that is, no successor was built, and no commercial models were ever
contemplated. HARVEST's most important effect was undoubtedly on the engineers who
designed it, since it was a program which brought out the best in all who were involved.
HARVEST also exerted a great influence on later computer developments in a number of
significant ways. Additionally, in 1962 IBM designers who participated in the
development of the STRETCH computer concept, collaborated in the publication of a book
which details the STRETCH design experience. 13 Chapter 17, entitled "A Non-Arithmetic
Extension," describes NSA's HARVEST.
13. Werner Buchholz (ed.), Planning a Computer System: Project STRETCH <New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Co., Inc., 1962).
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CRYPTOLOGIC QUARTERLY
TOWARD THE COMPUTER OF THE FUTURE: LIGHTNING
One of the most costly and far-reaching research programs ever undertaken by NSA
was purported to have had its beginning at a cocktail party in July 1956. The story is told
of a conversation involving several high-level NSA equipment planners and Lieutenant
General Ralph J. Canine, then Director ofNSA. There had been some discussion ofNSA's
perennial problem: the race between analysts' insatiable requirements for new ways to
attack ever-increasing volumes of data and the efforts of engineers to design and build
bigger and faster computers to meet these needs. Apparently no matter how powerful the
new equipment, we never seemed to catch up. The then-current development, HARVEST,
was being designed to fill such requirements with an estimated 100-fold improvement
over the best current computers, but its completion was several years away. General
Canine then forcibly expressed his exasperation by exploding: "Build me a thousand
megacycle machine! I'll get the money!" Within the next few days, the LIGHTNING
project was under way, with a budget of $25 million for a five-year program to develop
"thousand megacycle" electronics.
The LIGHTNING project received the approval of the Deputy Defense Secretary in
October 1956, and it was endorsed