Frank B. Rowlett: A Personal Profile (Cryptologic Spectrum)
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Frank B. Rowlett
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Theodore ·M. Hannah
-A Personal Profile
Finally, Genevieve Grotjan finds the evidence we
are looking for. Time is about 2 p.m. Ferner, Small,
and I are at table in working area discussing prospects
and reviewing work. Grotjan enters room, obviously
excited, politely interrupts, asks if she can show us
what she has found. She takes us to her desk in next
room, lays out worksheets, points to one example, then
another, then a third. She stands back, with eyes
tranced behind her rimless glasses. Al Small dashes
around the room, hands clasped above his head like a
victorious prizefighter. "Whoopee!" he yells. Ferner,
the quiet one, clasps his hands, shouting "Hooray,
Hooray." I jump up and down - "That's it! That's
it! " The room gets crowded; everyone in section
suddenly in room. Friedman comes in and asks,
"What's all the noise about?"
I settle down and say, "Look what Miss Grotjan has
just discovered." Gene wipes her eyes, tries to regain
her composure. I point to the worksheets - "Gene's
found= what we've been looking for. Look here, and
here, and here." Friedman examines each one and
understands what he sees; he looks suddenly tired. We
take a break and send out for Cokes. The excitement
gradually wears off and we look ahead to the neit step.
ber 1940 represented the decisive breakthrough into
a highly sophisticated machine system that for 18
months had stubbornly resisted the concerted attack
by some of the best cryptanalysts in the world. Its
solution has been called "the greatest feat of cryptanalysis the world had yet known," one which, in the
words of another author, "involved a unique intellectual effort of heroic proportions." With its solution
the United States became an unlisted subscriber to the
communications network serving the Japanese Foreign
Ministry and its major embassies abroad, and thereby
gained important insight into Japan's diplomatic and
military moves. The decrypts were also a primary
source of information on Hitler's intentions in Europe,
as reported to Tokyo by the Japanese ambassador in
Berlin, Baron Oshima.
Present at the breakthrough into Purple, and indeed largely responsible for it because he was the
cryptanalyst in charge of the Army's work on the
Japanese diplomatic intercepts, was Frank Byron
Rowlett, one of the very early members of the Signal
Intelligence Service, the Army predecessor of NSA.
This is the story of his early career, beginning more
than 50 years ago.
That next step would soon lead to the solution of
Japan's highest level diplomatic cipher system, the
so- called Type "B" machine, better known as "Purple." What young, studious Genevieve Grotjan had
discovered on that warm Friday afternoon in Septem-
It. was a few minutes before eight o'clock in the
morning on the first of April-All Fool's Day-1930.
I was standing in front of the main entrance to the
Munitions Building at 21st and B Streets, N. W., in
Washington, D.C. In my hand was a letter telling me
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to report at 8 a. m. to Room 3406 in that building. I
was to be employed as a Junior Cryptanalyst in the
Signal Service at Large, Office of the Chief Signal
Officer, War Department. I was not quite 22 years
old.
I had passed the Civil Service examination for
Junior Mathematician the previous summer and had
been hired as a Junior Cryptanalyst at $2,000 per
year, which was about $500 more than my wife and I
together were making as teachers in southern Virginia.
I had no idea what a cryptanalyst did; I didn't even
know what the word meant-I couldn't find it in the
dictionary-but there was a lot of publicity at the
time about bringing back the World War dead from
Europe, and I naively thought I'd be doing some kind
of statistical work on crypts! It wasn't until my first
day at work that I learned, from William F. Friedman,
Chief of the Signal Intelligence Service, what a cryptanalyst was. "I suspect," he said, "that there are only
a very few people who know what the word 'cryptanalyst' means. In fact, the words 'cryptanalyst' and
'cryptanalysis' were officially adopted by the War
Department only a few weeks ago, although I started
using them several years ago. The first official use of
these words was in the description of the duties of the
staff of the Signal Intelligence Service, and you have
the honor of being the first individual to be employed
by the U.S. Government as a Junior Cryptanalyst."
Before my arrival, the Signal Intelligence Service
(SIS} consisted of Mr. Friedman; his secretary, Annie
Louise Newkirk; and Captain Norman Lee Baldwin,
who was setting up the Second Signal Service Company, the collection arm of the SIS. By the end of the
month we grew by another 50 percent when two more
Junior Cryptanalysts, friends · from high school_ and
college, Abraham Sinkov and Solomon Kullback,
started work.
Sinkov, Kull back, and I were hired because we had
all studied math and foreign languages-Sinkov had
taken French; Kullback, Spanish; and I, German.
Friedman's efforts to round out the team with a
combination mathematician and Japanese linguist had
so far failed: the Civil Service Commission, Military
Intelligence, and the State Department had all been
unable to produce anyone with that rather unusual
combination of talents. Soon, however, through the
good offices of Congressman Schaeffer of Virginia,
Friedman learned of a young man named John Hurt,
the congressman's nephew, who, though lacking an
extensive math background, was unusually fluent in
Japanese. The Army major who interviewed him told
Friedman that he had never met an American so
proficient in that difficult language. "He is unbeliev-
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able," he said. "He is fluent in conversation, he can
read both forms· of the written language, and his
vocabulary is fabulous. He knows Japanese much
better than I or, for that matter, anyone else in G-2."
We learned later that Hurt had mastered the language
mainly by rooming with Japanese students at college,
where he had majored in Latin and French. While
Hurt was processing for employment, the rest of us
continued our cryptologic training under Friedman,
using mainly his pamphlets and exercise books. As
soon as Hurt arrived, Friedman wanted him to begin
teaching us the rudiments of Japanese, for Japan was
to be our number one priority.
Two very important things happened to me toward
the end of that first month: I got my first paycheck
and I rented an apartment. My pay for the first two
weeks of work (we were paid twice a month) was the
grand sum of $83.33, only about $8.00 less than I had
received for a full month's work as a schoolteacher in
Franklin County, Virginia. The apartment was in the
old Boulevard Apartment building at 2121 New York
Avenue, N. W., within easy walking distance of the
Munitions Building; if I hurried, I could have lunch at
home instead of having to eat at the Navy cafeteria,
in which I was by now beginning to lose interest. The
apartment was the barest minimum offered for living
purposes in the area, consisting of a single room (with
a so-called Murphy bed which folded up into the wall
when not in use) and a small kitchenette and bathroom. It rented for $50. 00 per month furnished, with
a free month's rent if it was occupied for a full year.
I figured that my wife and I could make do with the
one-room apartment for at least a couple of months
until we could find something a bit larger, but still
within our means.
It was not a good year for the American economy.
The Great Depression was deepening, and military
budgets, already small during those peacetime years,
were shrinking even more. So austere was the Army
budget that we sometimes had to supply our own
pencils and paper. We bought penny pencils at the
dime store, and we brought in scratch paper and
tablets from home. We once had to take a temporary
reduction in salary; another time, when funds ran out
completely, we all had to take a month's leave without
pay. My wife and I just closed up our apartment and
took a springtime vacation on the farm in southern
Virginia, so for us it was no particular hardship.
The Black Chamber Revisited
One hot, humid morning in late June 1930, Friedman came into the vault and asked Kully, Abe, and
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me to accompany him to the G-2 area of the Munitions
Building. He escorted us down the stairs to the second
floor corridor without any explanation of the purpose
of our trip. I clearly remember that I was wearing, for
the first time, a brand-new summer outfit - a blue
serge jacket, white pin-striped trousers, and white
suede shoes. I recall that as we walked along the
second floor corridor behind Friedman I was feeling
very proud of myself for being so well dressed for
what, judging by Friedman's attitude, seemed to be a
very special mission.
When we arrived at the cross corridor of the seventh
wing, Friedman swung to the left without missing a
step. We followed closely behind. The cross corridor
was deserted. After a few steps he turned abruptly to
his right and stopped at Room 27 42. He took from his
inside coat pocket a small card, and started to operate
the combination lock on the front of the steel door.
We watched with high curiosity. When he had set the
final number, he threw the bolt and swung open the
door, exposing the second steel door behind it. He
again reached into his pocket, extracted a key, and
unlocked the inner door, which he opened with a
flourish. The area behind the second door was pitch
dark. He now produced a small box of matches, lit
one, and by its light sought out the pull cord of the
switch of the nearest ceiling light. When the light
came on, it revealed a room about twenty-five feet
square, almost completely filled with filing cabinets,
arranged back-to-back in double rows with barely
enough space between them for the drawers to open.
Friedman's next move was to switch on the electric
fans to their highest speed and to turn on the
remaining three ceiling lights. While he was going
through this process, the three of us remained just
outside the door, waiting for his instructions. He came
back to the vault door, peered up and down the
corridor, and then waved us inside the vault. When
we were all inside, he set the inner steel panels slightly
ajar and turned to us, saying in a solemn and very
imposing manner: "Welcome, gentlemen, to the secret
archives of the American Black Chamber!"
I was puzzled by the serious manner he assumed as
he made the announcement. I had never heard of
The Signal Intelligence Service about 1935.
Seated: Mrs. Louise Newkirk Nelson. Standing, left to right: Herrick F. Bearce; Solomon Kullback; Captain
Harold G. Miller, USA; William F. Friedman; Abraham Sinkov; Lieutenant L. T. Jones, USCG; Frank B.
Rowlett. John B. Hurt was ill when the picture was taken.
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anything called the American Black Chamber and the
words meant nothing special to me, but I said nothing
and neither did Abe or Kully; we just stood, looking
as impressed as we could, surveying the dust-covered
contents of the room.
Friedman then explained that the room contained
the working files of a highly secret cryptanalytic
organization that had operated in New York City for
several years and which had been closed down during
the previous summer. Military Intelligence had had
an interest in this operation and had brought its files
to the Munitions Building, where they were being held
in storage. The files had been turned over to the Chief
Signal Officer for the use of the Signal Intelligence
Service, and it was our job to organize and catalog
them. He suggested that we spend the next couple of
hours looking over the files, familiarizing ourselves
with their contents. He pointed out that as the first
order of business we should try to locate all the
information they contained about German Army field
ciphers and Japanese diplomatic codes and ciphers.
After saying that he would return by lunchtime, he
left, carefully setting the steel doors so that the
contents of the room were not visible from the outside
corridor.
After Friedman left the room, Abe drew his index
finger across the top of the nearest file cabinet. When
he held up his finger and noted the thick smudge of
dust on it, he grimaced.
Besides the file cabinets, the only pieces of furniture
in the room were a single oak chair and a small table
on which were arranged some pencils and ruled pads.
I took off my new blue jacket and hung it on the chair.
After Abe and Kully had disposed of their jackets,
Kully turned to Abe and, with an impish grin on his
face, pointed to my new and immaculate white trousers. Then they both laughed.
We now started to look at the materials in the file
cabinets. In a few minutes we forgot all about the
thick dust that covered everything in the room, and
we forgot about the summer heat and the poor
ventilation. We were completely hypnotized by what
we were finding. Here were the secret records dealing
with the American code-breaking activity sponsored
by the State Department and the Director of Military
Intelligence; here were copies of the secret codes and
ciphers, both purloined and cryptanalytically recovered, of many of the great nations of the world;
here were the worksheets used in breaking Japanese
diplomatic codes; here were the translations of Japanese messages relating to the negotiations of the
Washington Naval Conference, to which were attached
letters of appreciation signed by high State Depart-
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ment officials; here were the decipherments of the
German field ciphers of 1917 and 1918, with descriptions of how they were broken; here were hundreds of
copies of unsolved code messages from every important
capital of the world; and here was a wealth of other
cryptologic material which could be appreciated only
after hours and hours of further detailed study. King
Solomon's mines could have offered no greater treasures for us.
We were so intrigued by the contents of the vault
that we lost all track of time. Friedman's return
startled us. He found three sweaty and grimy but
nonetheless starry-eyed Junior Cryptanalysts. Kully
had a dirty streak across his forehead. Abe's shirt was
spotted with smudges of dust and soaked with perspiration. My brand-new white pin-striped trousers were
no longer white; they were a dirty mess. Friedman
looked us over and, after remarking on "what a dirty
business cryptanalysis is," suggested that we clean up
and go to lunch. He asked us to spend some time at
his desk after we had finished lunch, stating that we
would be joined by Hurt for an important discussion
about our future duties.
Our Mission Described
Early that afternoon the four of us met with
Friedman in his office. He settled us in chairs around
his desk and carefully closed the office doors. For me,
it was the most electric moment that I had yet
experienced, and all sorts of romantic ideas were
racing through my mind.
Friedman began by describing the work of what he
called "Yardley's bureau," a joint intelligence activity
conducted by the State Department and War Department G-2, with the State Department supplying most
of the money. Herbert 0. Yardley had conducted the
activity in New York City under the guise of a
legitimate enterprise known as the "Code Compiling
Company." In the summer of 1929, when the new
Secretary of State, Henry Stimson, learned of the
nature of Yardley's activities, he had summarily abolished "Yardley's bureau." He ordered that the organization be closed out in the shortest possible time
and said that no such activity would be tolerated
inside the Department while he was Secretary. G-2,
viewing Stimson's ·order as a major disaster to the
American intelligence effort, had tried to have his
order reversed. But Stimson was adamant and G-2
finally had to accept his decision.
When the Director of Military Intelligence realized
that Stimson meant what he said, he proposed to the
Chief Signal Officer that a code-breaking operation be
set up in the War Department. He offered to supply
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the funds previously contributed to the State Department in support of Yardley's operation. The money
would be used to hire a small group of young men who
would be trained in cryptology, and who hopefully
would become the cadre of an effective cryptanalytic
organization. The Chief Signal Officer had enthusiastically received the proposal and had accepted the
responsibility for administering the organization. The
funds made available by G-2 to the Chief Signal
Officer were barely sufficient to provide for the employment of four Junior Cryptanalysts and one Cryptographic Clerk. The four of us represented the first
step in the implementation of the long-range plan to
develop a new cryptologic capability in the War
Department.
Friedman then went on to explain that the longterm mission of the Signal Intelligence Service was
twofold. The first and more important objective was
to insure that U.S. military codes and ciphers were
the best and most secure that could be devised. The
second was to undertake the peacetime interception
and analysis of foreign code and cipher communications for the production of intelligence for the country's
top planners and policymakers and, in the event of
war, to be prepared to intercept and solve enemy
messages at all levels. He also disclosed to us that an
intercept service was then in the process of being
organized and that it was being staffed by the best
radio operators in the Signal Corps. Some had already
been assigned to the intercept organization and were
being trained for intercept work. He added that the
first of a worldwide network of intercept stations was
then being established at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey.
He impressed on us the need for secrecy, pointing
out that both the Director of Military Intelligence and
the Chief Signal Officer were afraid that if the State
Department became aware that a new cryptanalytic
activity was being established, steps might be taken
at the highest level of government to have the organization abolished. He explained that the organization
had been administratively located in the Office of the
Chief Signal Officer rather than G-2, for if its existence
did become known to the Secretary of State, its
continuation could be justified as being part of the
Chief Signal Officer's responsibilities to design, compile, store, and issue all cryptographic materials required by the War Department, and to supervise the
use of all cryptographic systems in the Army.
Friedman said that for the next several months the
four of us would spend part of our time studying
cryptology with the aim of mastering all that was
currently known about cryptography and cryptanalysis;
the remainder of our time would be devoted to
producing improved codes and ciphers for the War
Department. He emphasized his conviction that all
currently used U.S. codes and ciphers were "woefully
inadequate, outdated, inefficient and, worst of all,
insecure." He added that it was imperative that we
get started as soon as possible on improving all
cryptographic systems used in the War Department,
so that at least the Army would have adequate
cryptographic security in the event of another war.
Our Codes Are an Open Book
A fortuitous combination of circumstances soon
allowed me to see firsthand how insecure the War
Department's codes really were. The Signal Corps had
recently become responsible for all phases of War
Department cryptographic security, which until then
had been shared with the Adjutant General's Office.
One result of the realignment-and this was my first
lucky break-was that there developed a temporary
shortage of trained code clerks. It was decided that
Kullback, Sinkov, and I would be detailed to work in
the code room for a few weeks until new clerks could
be trained. The second lucky break was that I could
type, and since messages had to be typed before they
cleared the code room, I was assigned there more often
than ' the others. What I learned during those long
night shifts was both rewarding and discouragingrewarding because I gained a better understanding of
military communications and procedures; discouraging
because I learned how woefully weak was the cryptographic security of those communications.
Most messages, regardless of their classification
(Restricted, Confidential, or Secret), were encoded
from the same codebook, the old War Department
Telegraph Code of about 50,000 groups, and this of
course was an inherently insecure procedure. The
military attache network used a smaller, more sophisticated code of about 10,000 groups; messages sent in
this system were always enciphered. Unclassified messages went out in the clear when transmitted over the
War Department radio network. When sent over
commercial circuits-RCA or Western Union, for example-they were encoded, not for security but for
economy, since the government had to pay by the
group, and encoded messages were always shorter,
hence cheaper, than the plain-language originals.
Friedman assured me that as soon as appropriations
came through, he intended to produce new codes and
eventually to develop automatic cipher machines for
use in Washington and the overseas departments. "In
the next few years, Mr. Rowlett," he said, "we are
going to revolutionize the security of governmental
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Frank Rowlett on . ..
What's Important in Cryptology
In my experience most people have assumed that the
production of intelligence is the primary purpose of
the cryptologic effort. I disagree. It's important but
it's not paramount. The most important goal of the
cryptanalyst is to use his knowledge of foreign
cryptography to improve our own cryptographic
security.
The Effect of The American Black Chamber
I think Yardley's book was a good thing for U.S.
cryptology because it forced the Japanese to replace
their cryptosystems with better, more secure systems
and that in turn forced us to improve our cryptanalytic capability. Moreover, were it not for Yardley's
book, the Japanese might not have introduced their
new systems in time for us to master them before
communications, and you 4nd the other young men
you are associated with are going to be deeply involved
in these developments."
Growth and Training
By the end of 1930, the staff of the Signal Intelligence Service had grown to eight. The two newcomers
were Lieutenant Mark Rhoads of the Signal Corps,
the first Regular Army officer to be assigned full time
to the SIS, and Larry Clark, a chemistry major
attending evening classes at George Washington University, who was hired, as an Assistant Cryptographic
Clerk, to work on secret inks, one of our several
responsibilities at the time.
Meanwhile, Sinkov, Kullback, Hurt, and I continued
our cryptologic training under Friedman. Early in 1931
we began studying machine cipher systems, starting
with a modified version of the Wheatstone cipher
device. That led us to the Bazeries multiplex alphabet
system, which we solved with relative ease. Next was
the German Kryha machine, said to be indecipherable
because of the enormous number of possibilities17x26! x26!, as I recall-that would have to be tested
before text could be recovered. According to the
manufacturer's brochure, it was humanly impossible
to make all these tests, thus the cipher could not be
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war came. I don't condone disclosures of sensitive
information, but in this case it had a beneficial
effect.
Personnel Security
The rules on security. clearances were pretty loose in
the early days. A~ long as you were a secondgeneration American you were assumed to be loyal
and you were clear_ed. If you were first-generation,
you might be cleared. If you weren't born in America,
you couldn't be cleared. In my own case, I guess it
was assumed that a mountain boy from the heart of
southwest Virginia would be unlikely to have any
allegiances except to the United States. I didn't get
formally investigated and cleared until the war was
half over, or some 12 or 13 years after coming to
work.
broken. Nothing daunted, we pressed on and solved
the system in fairly short order.
Next on our list was the B-211, an electromechanical
device invented by the Swedish engineer Arvid Gerhard Damm. It was a beautifully made machine, about
the size of a portable typewriter. Cryptographically,
however, it wasn't particularly formidable, being nothing more than a fractionating system easily duplicated
on paper. To satisfy ourselves that we fully understood
the functioning of the device, we enciphered a short
message using both the machine and our paper analog.
We were delighted to find that the cipher texts were
identical.
Our training in machine cipher systems continued
with the study of the Vemam device, a sophisticated
machine developed by AT&T. Probably the first fully
automatic cryptographic device actually constructed,
it had been successfully tested by the Signal Corps on
wireline circuits. But it had one great weakness, which
Frie~man had earlier exploited and which he now
wanted us to discover. As I recall, once that weaknes8
was found and the underlying principle understood,
solving the machine was much like completing a word
puzzle, and the solution came fairly easily.
The most difficult machine we studied was the
Hebem cipher machine, developed in the early twenties for the Navy. Friedman had found it to be
cryptographically weak, and it was redesigned. Our
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job was to duplicate his original ~alysis, using the
same test messages provided him by the Navy. Although we mastered the cryptographic principles involved, we were unable to solve the system until
Friedman explained the underlying statistical concepts, whereupon we recovered the message texts and
the wiring of the electrical commutating elementsloosely called cipher wheels-used in the encipherment.
Open for Business
In 1932, Friedman announced that we were ready to
begin our intelligence mission, with Japanese diplomatic communications being our first priority. But it
was not to be a full-time effort, for we were still
responsible for producing codes for the War Department, and this took precedence over signals
intelligence.
We began by reviewing the Japanese material inherited from Yardley's Black Chamber operation in
New York. Considerable amounts of live traffic soon
began to arrive from the Army's nascent intercept
service. This was augmented by the do-it-yourself
intercept activity of Colonel Joseph Mauborgne, Signal
Officer for the Ninth Corps area. Mauborgne (later
General Mauborgne, head of the Army Signal Corps)
set up an unofficial intercept station in the basement
of his quarters in the Presidio of San Francisco, from
which he copied Japanese diplomatic traffic on the San
Francisco-Tokyo circuit. He mailed us his undulator
tapes and Kullback and I transcribed them. Since I
knew Morse code, I read the characters to Kully, who,
in order to save paper, wrote out the messages on the
backs of old Signal Corps weather reports.
Our approach was to sort incoming intercepts into
homogeneous groups-an easy matter since the Japanese used a unique identifier on each message, evidently for the convenience of the code clerk-and then
test each code against the Black Chamber's solutions.
With the help of John Hurt's linguistic talents, we
soon produced our first current translation of a Japanese diplomatic message, this one in a modified form
of the so-called LA code. While at the time not holding
much significance for us, the achievement did cause
the Chief Signal Officer and the Director of Military
Intelligence to take renewed interest in our work. It
also lent new stimulus to the effort to enlarge the staff
of the Signal Intelligence Service, since Friedman very
convincingly made the point that we could either
compile codes or solve Japanese diplomatic systems,
but we could not be expected to do both.
Frank Rowlett at Arlington Hall Station in 1948.
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In September 1932, Sinkov, Kullback, and I began
spending a few hours each week studying Japanese
under John Hurt. We used the Rose-Innes text for our
study of conversational Japanese and the standard
national Japanese elementary language textbooks (Kokugo Tokuhon) for the written language. The latter
were in written Japanese (kana and Chinese characters), and so far as I was concerned were much more
useful for our cryptanalytic purposes than was the
Rose-Innes text. Our lessons continued until the following May, when Hurt was striken with tuberculosis
and had to be hospitalized. His replacement was a
Mr. Ayvozoglou, a former colonel in the Imperial
Russian Army who bad studied Japanese at the
Oriental Institute in Moscow. Unfortunately for us,
his knowledge of spoken English was so poor and his
pronunciation so atrocious that he sometimes had to
resort to using .the French or German equivalent of
the English term to enable us to understand him. He
had to leave after three months because of a lack of
funds to pay him, but by that time we were learning
more from code recovery than from the language
classes, for the messages gave us the vocabulary
actually used by Japanese diplomats.
When Hurt returned to work, Friedman urged that
he concentrate on Japanese, leaving the strictly cryptologic work to the rest of us; this pleased Hurt, for
he much preferred spending his time on language.
Kully's Discovery
One afternoon the three of us, Kully, Hurt, and I,
were quietly working at our places in the vault when,
with no warning whatsoever, Kully started to beat the
top of the table at which he was working and loudly
exclaimed, "That's it! That's what they have done!
It's an English monoalphabet!"
. I had no idea what he was eo excited about. I
hurriedly got out of my chair and went to look over
his shoulder. He started to wave a worksheet wildly
through the air. "That's what they are doing,'' he
exclaimed. "They're enciphering English texts with a
monoalphabetic substitution. And all along we were
looking for something else."
"Show me,'' I said, as Hurt joined us.
Kully slammed the worksheet down on the table.
"Look at that," he said, pointing to three of the
cipher groups he had underlined in red. "Look at the
letter patterns for those three words. Can they be
anything but a monoalphabetic substitution of the
English words 'The Japanese Government'?"
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"Now look at the next words," he continued. "Decipher them by using the equivalents from the other
three words, and see what you get."
"I'll tell you what it is," he said. "The rest of the
line of text will decipher to give 'requests that the
Government of the United States.' "
"Why don't you write in the equivalents on the
worksheet?" I asked. "Then you can check out the
remainder of the message."
Kully rapidly filled in the assumed plain text while
Hurt and I looked on. Every letter he entered fitted
accurately. It was indeed a monoalphabetic substitution, with vowels replacing vowels and consonants
replacing consonants. He continued his decipherment
of the remaining groups and in a short time had
finished the entire message. There was no doubt about
it-the Japanese were using the most insecure type of
cipher possible for enciphering this message.
"I can't understand it,'' Kully remarked. "Why
would they do anything so stupid?"
"Why don't you teat another message?" Hurt asked.
Kully soon located another intercept with the same
indicator. As Hurt and I looked on, he deciphered a
couple of groups using the substitution alphabet recovered from the message he had just deciphered.
"That's not English," I observed.
"But it's perfect Japanese!" Hurt exclaimed. "Decipher some more groups so that I can translate it."
Kully continued his decipherment of the message
until Hurt interrupted him. He took the worksheet
from Kully and studied it for a few seconds.
"Except for a couple of garbled letters, this is
perfect Japanese. It's apparently a news release which
the Japanese Foreign Office is transmitting to its
installations abroad for the information of Japanese
nationals in foreign countries. I've seen similar examples in the plain-language messages we've been
intercepting."
Kully sought out some more messages with the same
indicator. All could be deciphered and all were in
Japanese. It was really a stroke of luck that Kully had
spotted the only intercept with English plain text.
Otherwise, it might have been wee~ before we realized
that this particular category of traffic was indeed a
monoalphabetic substitution, for we were looking for
something much more sophisticated.
"Let's see what Mr. Friedman has to say," suggested
Hurt.
I stepped to the vault door and opened it. "Excuse
me,'' I said. "Kully has discovered something that you
will find most interesting. Would you mind stepping
into the vault to look at it?"
UNCLASSIFIED
Arlington Hall Station, 1942 or 1943.
Seated: A. J. McGrail, W. Preston Corderman, William F. Friedman. Standing: Mark W. Rhoads, Solomon
Kullback, John B. Hurt, Edward J. Vogel, Frank B. Rowlett, Abraham Sinkov.
Friedman pushed his work aside and followed me
into the vault. "What have you found?" he asked
Kully.
"The Japanese are using a monoalphabet for enciphering some of their diplomatic messages," Kully
answered.
Friedman looked doubtful. "Why do you think
that?" he asked.
"I just solved one," Kully answered gleefully.
"Well, that's a rather convincing argument," Friedman replied. "But there must be something wrong.
No government with any competence whatever in
cryptography would intentionally use such a patently
insecure system. A code clerk must have made a
mistake, or they are using a cipher machine in which
a mechanical failure occurred, thereby producing a
monoalphabetic substitution encipherment which was
transmitted by mistake."
"But there are several messages on different dates
which use the same substitution," Kully answered. He
then spread out his worksheets and demonstrated the
decipherments. Friedman picked up the worksheet of
the message in English and read it carefully.
"Thie message seems to be a note which the Japanese ambassador has been instructed to deliver to the
State Department," he said. "It is possible that they
used a simple encipherment merely to disguise the
contents of the message from the communications
personnel who would be handling it. If the Japanese
were planning to provide the exact text of one of their
messages to another government, they certainly
wouldn't want to encipher it in one of their secret
UNCLASSIFIED 13
UNCLASSIFIED
codes. To do so might result in their code being
compromised, for it would take an exceptionally secure
cryptographic system to resist analysis when such a
long message together with 'its exact decipherment
were available for study."
Friedman was obviously pleased with Kully's discovery. "Well done, Mr. Kullback," he said as he left the
vault.
The Red Machine
The mid-1930s saw us continuing our efforts to solve
Japanese diplomatic cryptosystems, particularly any
that might be carrying traffic relating to a suspected
secret codicil to an Axis pact then under discussion.
Our search led us to a system used on two important
networks-the Far Eastern diplomatic network and a
net linking Tokyo with major world capitals, including
Berlin and Rome.
The system was characterized by five-letter text
preceded by a five-digit group. Friedman, who by now
was taking a strong interest in our examination of the
unsolved intercepts, thought the Japanese might be
using a cipher machine, and suggested that the fivedigit group served not only to identify the system but
also to indicate the specific keys employed for enciphering the message. With the help of our IBM
accounting machines we tested the texts for repetitions. We found none we considered significant, but in
the process we discovered that six of the cipher letters
displayed a significantly higher or lower frequency
count than the other 20, that the frequency pattern
changed at 10-day intervals, and that some messages
used the same initial five-digit group. Our statistical
tests also showed that when two messages in the same
10-day period used the same five-digit groups, the
messages were enciphered with the same keys.
The job of breaking the system fell to Kully and
me, for in 1936 Sinkov, the only bachelor among us,
was assigned to the Panama Canal Zone, the site of
the first Army intercept station outside the United
States. While Kully and I studied the traffic from the
various 10-day periods, Friedman told his opposite
number in the Navy, Commander Joseph N. Wenger,
about our work on the system and the progress we had
made so far. Wenger said that the Navy had recently
broken into a Japanese naval system which used an
electromechanical cipher machine and the kana alphabet, but beyond that he would not go.
I should explain that, while there was a complete
exchange of intercepted Japanese diplomatic traffic
between ourselves and the Navy, there was at that
time no direct contact between us except for an
14 UNCLASSIFIED
occasional meeting between Friedman and Wenger.
Though he didn't say so, I sensed that Friedman felt
he was being unfairly treated by the Navy by being
denied technical information, whereas the Army,
through Friedman, had always shared information
fully with the Navy. He made an appointment with
Wenger for the next day with the intention of requesting complete details about the machine the Navy had
solved. Despite Friedman's argument that the cryptographic principles employed in the Japanese naval
machine could well be similar to those used in the
diplomatic machine, Wenger still declined to divulge
any more information, or even to confirm or deny that
there were similarities. He would say only that the
kana sequence had been broken into two subsets, but
we already knew that. When pressed, he suggested
that we search for a basic cycle of "more than 40 but
less than 50'' elements, and that was all Friedman
could get out of him.
Our test for a cycle of the length suggested by
Wenger yielded nothing. Somewhat dejected, we admitted that for the time being we had run out of
useful ideas, and we decided to consolidate our materials and organize the files while considering how best
to attack the system. Later, after an exhaustive
examination of the best intercepts, Kully and I succeeded in deciphering certain parts of an exceptionally
long message in which the vowel and consonant patterns corresponded to those expected in romanized
Japanese plain text. When we found a recurrence of
Analog or the Japanese Red Machine, made by
Frank Rowlett sometime around 1936.
UNCLASSIFIED
the plaintext word oyo- i in two of the passages we had
tentatively deciphered, we knew we were into the
system, for oyobi is the Japanese word for "and."
That led us to review what we knew about the system.
There were two sequences, one for vowels, the other
for consonants. These sequences apparently provided
for independent encipherment of the vowels and consonants: a vowel would always be enciphered by a
vowel and a consonant by a consonant. Evidently the
two sequences operated synchronously, both advancing
with the encipherment of each letter of the message,
whether consonant or vowel. There was a motor key
involved, which controlled the advancement of the two
sequences, introducing additional steps at certain
points in conformity with an overall pattern. Armed
with that knowledge and some educated assumptions
of the underlying plain language, we soon recovered
enough text to know that we were well on our way to
breaking the "Code Machine, Type A," the most
important Japanese cryptographic system then in use.
Friedman, of course, was elated, particularly so
because we had succeeded in recovering an unknown
cipher machine by reconstructing the principles solely
from intercepted messages, without help from any
outside source. As he congratulated us on our success,
he added, "You know, g